UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume 8: Africa since 1935
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This eighth and final volume of the UNESCO General History of Africa examines the period from 1935 to the present day. As liberation from colonial rule progresses, the political, economic and cultural dimensions of the continent are analysed.
For Africa, 1935 marked the beginning of the Second World War, with Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia. International conflict dominates the first section of this volume, which describes crises in the Horn and North Africa, and other regions under the domination of the European powers. The next three sections cover the ensuing Africa-wide struggles for political sovereignty, from 1945 to independence; undervelopment and the fight for economic independence, looking at nation-building and changing political structures and values.
Section five deals with socio-cultural change since 1935, from religion to literature, language to philosophy, science and education. The last two sections address the development of pan-Africanism and the role of independent Africa in world affairs. Acknowledging the original irony that it was the imposition of European imperialism that awakened African consciousness, the volume points up the vital and growing interrelation of Africa and the rest of the globe.
The volume is illustrated with black and white photographs, maps and figures. The text is fully annotated and there is an extensive bibliography.
culminated in the years 1936-^7 and which were temporarily halted by the outbreak of the Second World W a r . The evolution of Egypt and Libya T h e political evolution of Egypt was in total contrast to that of Libya: the former w o n a considerable loosening of British control over its political life; the latter was integrated into Italian 'national territory'. At the same time as the second wave of emigration of 'Ventemila',27 fascist policy pursued the integration of Libya into Italian
Africans. H e was the local despot in a despotic system. H e was at one and the same time the political chief, the administrative chief, the police chief, the chief prosecutor and the president of the indigenous court. H e set the head tax, he controlled duties and levies, he demanded forced labour, he extracted export crops, he mobilized people for compulsory work and he imposed military service. H e was judged for the profits he obtained for Europe and not for the services he offered to
they had become a kind of merchandise, they were earmarked for hard labour and eventually, in the minds of those dominating them, they c a m e to symbolize an imaginary and allegedly inferior Negro race. This pattern of spurious identification relegated the history of the African peoples in m a n y minds to the rank of ethno-history, in which appreciation of the historical and cultural facts was bound to be warped. T h e situation has changed significantly since the end of the Second World W a r
1973. Both C u b a and Israel were small countries which attained considerable global visibility; also, both had been involved in nearby conflicts a m o n g their neighbours. But although the two countries did share a n u m b e r of characteristics, their respective roles in Southern Africa were in sharp contrast. C u b a helped train black freedom-fighters; Israel instructed South Africa's armed forces in counter-insurgency. C u b a provided extension services to Angolan farmers; Israel helped
Libya" In Chapter 2 w e left Libya in 1948, still under military occupation, awaiting the decision of the U N as to its future fate. Britain and France were already established in the country. There n o w came the U S A with the establishment of a great air-base at Wheelus Field near Tripoli. All three Western powers n o w had vested interests in Libya and were rather reluctant to leave the country. It is therefore no wonder that Western interests soon clashed both with the wishes of the Libyan